IS THIS DIFFERENT? CIVIL UNREST OR REVOLUTION?

If you watch much cable news, you often hear the question posed to guests appearing about

the George Floyd case and the ensuing demonstrations, “Is this different?” The question recognizes that there’ve been protests before about police misconduct and racial injustice, but many argue things didn’t significantly change. The hosts

ask if the length of time the protests have continued and the diversity of the crowds means something might happen this time that hasn’t happened in recent history.

We believe the “Is this different question?” suggests a number of answers, depending on

how the questioner defines “different.” If the question speaks to short term reform of police practices, that might warrant one answer. If the question refers to long term, systemic change regarding race relations,

income and wealth inequality, and universal medical care for all Americans a much different answer seems in order. Today, we wade into the question of policing.

A partisan divide: What did you expect?

Democrats and Republicans in Congress have

put out police reform proposals and  might vote on them soon in the houses of Congress they control. Some reports say House Speaker Nancy Pelosi already has the votes for a legislative package spearheaded by the Congressional Black Caucus. The measures would: 

Senate Republicans, led by the GOP’s only black senator, South Carolina’s Tim Scott,

and Jim Lankford of Oklahoma, put out their plan. Its highlights include: 

Republicans aren’t sure if they’d ever  accept

codification of a use-of-force standard, like a chokehold ban. Overall, the Republican plan focuses on record keeping and transparency, while Democrats prefer specific limits on police conduct. Representatives of both sides offered early conciliatory talk about the possibility of compromise and suggested patience during the legislative process. That’s admirable. The question of getting the gap bridged remains.

The absence of prohibitions against chokeholds and no-knock warrants in the Republican proposal stand out. Qualified immunity reform might become the biggest sticking point. Some Republicans called that Democratic proposal a “poison pill,” something Republicans could never accept. Scott said any “poison pill” in the legislation means getting nothing.

Waiting for the Election  

We don’t doubt members of Congress have an obligation to try getting something done now. Things keep happening. With George Floyd barely buried, another high-profile case developed in Atlanta, where a white police officer killed another black man, Rayshard Brooks, by shooting him in the

back as he fled after a scuffle with officers. The optics in the Brooks case were different than what happened to Floyd in Minneapolis, but the bottom line remained the same – a police officer used deadly force when reasonable alternatives existed. Experienced law enforcement observers said no reason existed for shooting Brooks. He wasn’t armed with a deadly weapon and wasn’t likely to get away or harm anyone else since police had his driver’s license and vehicle. 

 

The Brooks case and the continuing protests highlighted the need for action but the truth remains that with Donald Trump in the White House and Republicans in control of the U.S. Senate, passing the kind of bill Democrats want just may not happen this year. That puts them to a choice – accept something like what the Republicans now propose or wait things out until the election in the hope of getting a senate majority and winning the presidency. Then, Democrats could pass their version of police reform legislation.

The Long Run

Whatever happens with police reform measures, the debate about race and whether this moment is “different” will continue.  Whether or not this is “different” depends on changes in the heads and hearts of Americans and in the structure of institutions. How different it becomes depends first on individual decisions

Americans of all races make about their own attitudes and behaviors concerning racial issues. Do white people finally recognize the role white supremacy has played in American society and decide they will help eradicate its effects? Will people of color embrace the idea of equality is within reach? How “different” this time becomes also depends on public policy decisions political leaders, businesses, and institutions make in the weeks, months, and years ahead in response to the protests.

The debate over police reform constitutes a significant part of our current racial angst, but it’s not all the problem. As the developing controversies over income and wealth inequality, the lack of universal health care

coverage, names of military bases and monuments in cities and on college campuses, even university alma maters, make clear, this is a multi-faceted problem and we have miles to go before we sleep.            

GEORGE FLOYD, DREW BREES, TEACHING, AND READING ASSIGNMENTS: THE EDUCATION OF WHITE AMERICA ABOUT RACE

George Floyd’s family buried him June 9 after

services in Minneapolis, North Carolina, and Houston. The trauma his murder caused his family, African Americans generally, and many whites continues. Since we can’t discuss all the things that surfaced from the Floyd case, we’ve picked one we think urgent and interesting: talk between African Americans and whites about race.

The three of us see value in African Americans engaging whites on race. Some African Americans think that’s a waste of time, offering some version of, “Educating white people about race isn’t our responsibility. They should figure it out for themselves.” Those arguing that note it’s been tried for years with disappointing results. We understand the underlying frustration, but we hold a different view.

Drew Brees: Tone Deaf

We can’t find a better example of why we think engaging white Americans on race makes sense than the case of New Orleans Saints quarterback Drew Brees. After Floyd’s death, Brees clung to the familiar talking point that he could “never agree with anyone disrespecting” the flag when asked about his feelings now on former San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick and kneeling during the national anthem. Because Brees counts as a “good guy,” his comments showing he didn’t get it felt worse than had they come from a source known for insensitivity. His community service record in predominately black New Orleans suggested he understood better than many white NFL players the need for recognizing the impact of racism on African Americans. He led Katrina recovery efforts, donated millions for feeding the hungry during the pandemic, and helped rebuild parks and playgrounds.

Black NFL players, including his Saints teammates, pushed back. They said Kaepernick’s protest had nothing to do with the flag or the military, which Brees referenced in mentioning the Second World War service of his grandfathers. San Francisco defensive back Richard Sherman tweeted, “He’s beyond lost. Guarantee you there were black men fighting alongside your grandfather, but this doesn’t seem to be about that. That uncomfortable conversation you are trying to avoid by injecting military into conversation about brutality and equality is part of the problem.”

Brees apologized, saying he was “sick about the way my comments were perceived,” and

that his “insensitive” statements “completely missed the mark on the issues we are facing now as a country.” San Francisco Chronicle columnist Ann Killion wrote that his apology “felt late…Four years late.”

It Is About Race

The Brees story illustrates how even well-intentioned white people convert discussions

of racial animus into discussions about something else. “This isn’t about race” we’ve heard  often. As sociologist Robin DiAngelo writes in  White Fragility: Why It’s So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism, “Most white people have limited information about what racism is and how it works. For many white people, an isolated course taken in college or required … in their workplace is the only time they may

encounter a direct and sustained challenge to their racial reality.” That reality includes the fact that, according to a Public Religion Research Institute study, 75 % of white Americans have entirely white social networks. If Drew Brees, who plays in a league that’s about 70% black, has trouble understanding why kneeling concerned brutality and inequality, not the flag and the military, what about those in the 75%?          

We believe the Floyd case and the angst it produced are about race. The protests are

about the disparity in police treatment of African Americans and whites. The Floyd case and the protests are about the fact every African American faces a greater risk of being the victim of police assault than does a white person, regardless of education, socioeconomic standing, or zip code. It is about race.

Class Assignments

White people often ask what they should do to better understand racism. We believe

African Americans should keep talking with whites about the challenges of living in America as descendants of enslaved people. We would not leave our white brothers and sisters to their own

devices and conversations among themselves about the nature of that experience. We recall from the Bible (the word of God for some, wisdom literature for others, and meaningless fable for others) Matthew 15:14, which says “… and if the blind

lead the blind, both shall fall into the ditch.” As distressing as some may find it, we must say that when it comes to racism, many white Americans are blind.

Still, the responsibility for whites learning about the effects of racism doesn’t fall solely on African Americans. Recently  on his church’s call-in forum, Woodson noted the importance of studying the history of this problem. That’s part of anti-racism work. With this topic, ignorance is not  bliss. Woodson suggested our three favorite books on race – Isabel Wilkerson’s The Warmth of Other

Suns, The Color of Law by Richard Rothstein, and Edward Baptist’s The Half Has Never Been Told. Henry adds Ralph Ellison’s great novel, Invisible Man. We understand the tough sledding these books sometimes require, so we also offer works that present the issue in more digestible form:

·Racing Across the Lines: Changing Race Relations Through Friendship by Deborah Plummer;

·Me and White Supremacy: Combat Racism, Change the World, and Become a Good Ancestor by Layla F. Saad;

·So You Want to Talk About Race by Ijeoma Oluo; and

·How to be an Antiracist by Ibram X. Kendi.

At least one of us has read all these titles and believes each teaches something about how African Americans and whites can talk concerning race and about white intra-race talk, something we see as valuable. None pull

punches. Some readers may find parts of them disturbing. We think that’s necessary, seeing virtue in the old saw about comforting the afflicted and afflicting the comfortable. What we've been doing certainly hasn’t worked.