FIRST BIG DECISION FOR THE BIDEN ADMINISTRATION: THE CLOCK TICKS

 

Joe Biden and Kamala Harris took office January 20, assuming the burden of righting the American ship. They have a big job and not long for getting it done.  They’ll have

tough decisions before long. Political reality and history teach that the clock has already started ticking on what they can accomplish.

Presidential terms run four years, but windows of opportunity for passing major legislation close quickly under the weight of pent-up frustrations in a president’s own party, approaching mid-term elections, and opposition candidates revving their engines on runways for the next presidential race. Biden enjoys no exemption from this cruel cycle. Anyone looking hard enough can 

see it looming in the distance.

Biden’s Burden

Biden’s first days have made clear his priorities: (1) get the pandemic under control,(2) fix the related economic problems, (3) address climate change, and (4) attack racial injustice. Biden’s team acknowledges things like infrastructure, tax reform, and rectifying some of former President Donald Trump’s  excesses must wait. That array of priorities creates challenges and opportunities.

Fires rage around the four priorities and many reasons exist for tackling them first.  The country watches carefully. Other than the rabid COVID-19 deniers, most Americans want an end to the death, pain, and personal sacrifice that go with the pandemic.  We can’t imagine anyone being happy with the job losses and business disruption. Many of us have been railing about climate change and racial injustice for years. A strong desire exists for taking on Biden’s targeted issues.

That doesn’t mean his solutions will get unanimous support, or even enough for solid progress. He has offered big, bold proposals for dealing with all four problems. He wants, for example, a $1.9 trillion COVID-19

relief package that includes big stimulus checks, minimum wage increases, significant dollars for cash-strapped state and local governments, and vaccine distribution money.

That’s where the hard choices come. Because Biden’s proposals will draw Republican opposition – even obstruction – he soon must choose between proceeding in the bipartisan way he prefers and taking what he can get with only Democratic support. Thanks to Harris as vice president, he enjoys a one-vote majority in the senate. Speaker Nancy Pelosi presides over a narrow Democratic advantage in the House. Biden has so far refused invitations to set deadlines, but everyone expects a day of reckoning will come. He can keep seeking bipartisan approval or go it alone, knowing he must act quickly or lose his chance. 

 

The Politics

Right now, Biden’s Democratic support results from a coalition of the willing. Moderate

Democrats cut in the mold of senators like Dick Durban of Illinois and John Hickenlooper, a rookie from Colorado, and progressives like Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts and New York Representative Alexandria

Ocasio Cortez remain on board. Nobody knows how long Biden (and Harris) can keep this fragile alliance together. He’s avoided a fracture by making cabinet and staff appointments that have something for everybody and issuing executive orders addressing the pent-up frustrations of both sides of his potentially divided house, a house motivated by intense distaste for Trump. With Trump gone, how long this glue sticks remains an open question.   

Across the aisle, some Republicans see the virtue in working with Biden. How many isn’t clear. It’s likely a small number in either house of Congress. Assuming the filibuster rule remains, if it’s ten in the Senate, Biden could get 60 votes and potentially pass broad legislation, like he’s proposed on COVID-19. If it’s one or two, or zero, he’s probably reduced to a stand-alone vaccine distribution bill many Republicans would vote for or something he could pass under budget reconciliation that only requires 51 votes. It’s hard to imagine what such bills would look like, but they won’t have the big, bold provisions Biden wants.

Many Republicans will say they oppose Biden’s bills – especially the COVID-19 relief package -- because of cost. Ordinarily they’d have a point, but under the current unique circumstances, their argument holds much less weight. With interest rates as low as they are, the government can borrow for a big relief package for next to nothing. Given how much the pandemic costs in health care expenses, lost tax revenue, and infrastructure expenditures incurred in fighting the disease, arguably the nation can’t afford not enacting a big package.  

A Little History

Biden should keep in mind Barack Obama’s

2009-10 experience with the Affordable Care Act. Obama believed he could get Republican support if he scaled back the bill by (1) leaving out a public option and (2) modeling the program after what Mitt Romney implemented in Massachusetts. Democrats screamed, but Obama held firm. GOP votes  never came and Obama, having lost his 60-seat senate majority with the

death of Ted Kennedy and the surprise victory of Scott Brown in a Massachusetts special election, settled for no public option and passing the bill under 

the reconciliation 

procedure.

Biden was there, of course, as vice president, so he’s  aware of the dilemma he’ll soon face. The fact the country wants COVID relief as 

badly as it does arguably gives him cover. If he can make real progress on ending the pandemic, many people outside Washington won’t care what he asked Congress for and did or didn’t get. He can declare victory and take on the next problem with good will stored away.

Biden doesn’t have forever. Republicans have started showing their hand, complaining about the size and scope of many of his proposals and asking why he hasn’t  consulted

more with them. Nearly everyone wants bipartisan solutions to the nation’s problems -- except those who don’t and, unfortunately, some of them serve in Congress.   

                     

HAMMERIN’ HANK AARON: MORE THAN A BASEBALL PLAYER

 

Hank Aaron spoke to The New York Times in 1990 about the true cost of chasing Babe Ruth’s career home run record:

“April 8, 1974, really led up to turning me off on baseball.”

“It really made me see for the first time a clear picture of what this country is about,” he said. “My kids had to live like they were in prison because of kidnap threats, and I had to live like a pig in a slaughter camp…All of these things have put a bad taste in my mouth.”

I realize that if I hadn't been able to hit the hell out of a baseball, I would have never been able to lay a finger on the good life that I've been fortunate to have. Playing baseball has given me all that a man could ask for…I don't even hear much about Babe Ruth anymore, thank goodness, and I haven't received a really nasty piece of hate mail in about fifteen years.

HANK AARON

I Had a Hammer

June 12, 2007

 

The January 22 death of baseball great Henry Aaron at 86 saddened us and we recognize the importance of

memorializing his life.  Awarded the Presidential Medal of  Freedom in 2002, the nation’s highest civilian honor, Aaron symbolized excellence in his sport and dedication to human rights causes. 

Before he became a major league star, he played in the Negro Leagues. The Howe Sports Bureau credits him with a .366 batting average in 26 official Negro League games with five home runs, 33 runs batted in (RBIs), 41 hits, and nine stolen bases. After joining the major leagues, he hit 24 or more home runs every year from 1955 through 1973 and is one of only two players to hit 30 or more home runs in a season at least fifteen times.

Up From Poverty

Hank Aaron began his life in a poor section of Mobile, Alabama and grew up in a little nearby

place called Toulminville. Because his family couldn’t afford baseball equipment, he made do with balls and bats pieced together from scrap picked up on the street.

Talking about Aaron’s career without talking about racism resembles talking about apple pie without talking about apples. His baseball success represents a testimony to his character as much as to his baseball prowess. Numbers are important, like his career 755 major league home runs and the fact he’s still the sport’s RBI leader at 2,227. But ignoring racism Aaron confronted diminishes the significance of the numbers. It’s revisionism.

Aaron said, “Too bad integration didn't come sooner, because there were so many ballplayers that could have major leagues…not to take away anything from Babe Ruth or some of those other guys – they didn't play against the greatest ballplayers …”   Aaron contends those players, such as Satchel Paige,  were in the Negro League. 

In 2014, Aaron told USA TODAY’s Bob Nightengale that he kept the death threat letters received when he challenged Ruth’s record to remind himself of how far we still had to go.

“To remind myself that we are not that far removed from when I was chasing the record... A lot of things have happened in this country, but we have so far to go...”

Many remember him for records, awards, and racist abuse during his pursuit of the career home run record, but he accomplished

much more. He supported civil rights causes. After retirement as a player, he paved the way for African-American front office executives, eventually becoming a Braves senior vice president. He excelled in business and his community service record earned him countless honors. Princeton University awarded him an honorary Doctor of Humanities degree.

In his words:
“The way I see it, it's a great thing to be the man who hit the most home runs, but it's a greater thing to be the man who did the most with the home runs he hit. So as long as there's a chance that maybe I can hammer out a little justice now and then, … I intend to do as I always have -- keep swinging.”

HANK AARON

I Had a Hammer: The Hank Aaron Story

 
An Exquisite Player
Hank Aaron had maybe the smoothest, easiest

swing ever. It looked effortless. Undoubtedly it wasn’t. He hit home runs because of his quick wrists, not overpowering size. He played at about 180 pounds distributed over a six-foot frame. He wasn’t an imposing figure, but no pitcher enjoyed seeing him at the plate with runners on base as his RBI numbers attest.

Aaron was the quintessential five tool outfielder. He had speed (240 career stolen bases), could hit for average (two batting titles, .305 lifetime average), hit for power (MLB career best for extra base hits), throw

strongly with accuracy, and field his position cleanly (three-time Gold  Glove winner). He captured the National League Most Valuable Player Award in 1957 when the Braves won a World Series in which he hit .393.

He was a true hero because of the dignity with which he played the game and what he did off the field. He took pride in the fact he played in the Negro leagues before he reached the majors, then contributed mightily to the cause of justice for all people.

When he chased Ruth’s record, he knew he

carried a huge burden as a black man pursing a revered sport record many white people didn’t want him to break. He bore that burden with grace and dignity, despite hate mail and death threats. He never became bitter, but he never forgot either.

Former President Barack Obama summed up the feelings of many when he said of Aaron, “He never missed an opportunity to lead.”  Yes, Henry Aaron did it all.    

THE BIDEN-HARRIS INAUGURAL: FOR WHAT WE ARE ABOUT TO RECEIVE

 

The last episode of the great television drama The West Wing centers around the inauguration of Matthew Santos (Jimmy Smits) as successor to the show’s two-term president, Jeb Bartlett (Martin Sheen). While riding to the capitol, Bartlett asked Santos about his speech. Santos replied that it included a few good lines, but nothing like John F. Kennedy’s ‘Ask not what your county can do for you, but what you can do for your country.’ Bartlett sneered, “Yeah, JFK really screwed us with that one, didn’t he?”

When Joe Biden delivers his inaugural address, it’s unlikely he can meet the JFK standard either. Nobody has since that bitterly cold day in 1961 and little in Biden’s rhetorical past suggests he has such a speech in him. That doesn’t diminish the importance of the moment or the address he will give.

 

A Different Inaugural

Few inaugurals in American history present the combination of challenges this one does. Perhaps this resembles 1933 as Franklin Roosevelt faced the great depression. Maybe 1864 compares when the nation remained deadlocked in the Civil War. Knowing Biden could do as well as Abraham Lincoln that day would put everyone’s mind at ease.

With the January 6 invasion and occupation of the U.S. Capitol by a mob inspired by outgoing President Donald Trump, our political situation arguably rivals what Lincoln faced. These marauders, having builtgallows outside, marched through the building waving Confederate flags and shouting “Hang (Vice President) Pence.” The House of Representatives has since impeached Trump for his role in the insurrection and the U.S. Senate will soon hold a trial.  Add the pandemic that has killed 400,000 Americans and still rages and throw in the historic nature of the new vice president’s ascent and we have a truly unprecedented situation.

The January 6 debacle means a massive security presence at the capitol for the

inaugural ceremonies, including thousands of National Guard troops, tall fences, concrete barriers, and multiple checkpoints for capitol employees and the limited number of visitors who can attend the festivities. Inaugurals play a key role in showing the nation and the world what a peaceful transition of power looks like in a

democracy. Trump’s decision that he won’t attend diminishes that to an extent, but even the symbolic power of an appearance by the outgoing president pales in comparison with the need for putting the destructive Trump presidency in the rear-view mirror. Biden now doesn’t want him at the inaugural and neither do many Americans.

   

The security arrangements and the pandemic dictate that this inauguration

look different than any we’ve seen. First, thousands of people won’t look on from the capitol mall. Though Biden and Vice President-elect Kamala Harris will take their oaths of office on the capitol steps as usual, social distancing will keep attendance at a fraction of normal. Biden’s inaugural committee has told his supporters they shouldn’t travel from across the country for the proceedings, recommending television or virtual viewing.

 

The Harris Factor

The challenges of the nation’s political divide, Trump’s impeachment, the pandemic, and the resulting economic difficulties will justifiably make Biden’s speech the lead in every post-inauguration news story. Calmer circumstances would likely mean more emphasis on the swearing in of the nation’s

first female president or vice president. Kamala Devin Harris of California will make that history when she takes the oath of office as the 49^th vice president. That she is also a woman of color only increases the historical significance. Trump’s blatantly racist presidency and the number of Americans who would have given him a second term squash any suggestion her election hails a post-racial America.

 

Biden says she will play the same kind of role in this administration he played in the Obama-Biden years. He promises he will consult her on every major decision and make her the “last person in the room” in those situations.

 

The Speech and the Job Ahead

Harris will stay busy presiding over the senate following Democratic victories in Georgia runoffs that made the upper chamber a 50-50 party split. The incoming administration has plenty on its plate. Biden and Harris emphasize how much they will focus on the pandemic. As one observer put it, the coronavirus remains the “boss” of everything and everybody. Until the country gets it under control the things ordinary Americans most want can’t happen -- an economic revival and a return to normal life unfettered by social distancing,fan-less sporting events, and restrictions on family and  other gatherings. The pandemic, the limping economy, the political and racial divisions January 6 so starkly demonstrated, and the country’s fragile psyche make for a long, complicated to-do list.

      

Biden’s speech, therefore, requires substantive and spiritual components. Substantively, he need not provide every detail, but he should offer an outline for conquering the pressing problems, including the need for restoring the hollowed out federal government Trump leaves him. He must convince people he will work for them and show he will govern in a way that benefits everyone.

 

The moment also requires a speech that touches souls. It must offer hope for renewing the American spirit. After four years of a lawless, destructive presidency marked by racial discord and political turmoil, a bitter campaign, and a dangerous, tumultuous lame duck period, Biden faces a tired, discouraged, and distraught country.

 

Inaugurals serve many functions. They

represent renewal  and new beginnings. They also put American democracy on the world 

stage and advertise the virtues of our system. January 6  and Trump’s four years

dimmed our brand. America’s first chance at polishing its image comes with the Biden-Harris inaugural. Even with an 

dimmed our brand. America’s first chance at polishing its image comes with the Biden-Harris inaugural. Even with an impeachment proceeding against Trump pending in the U.S. Senate, a little JFK-style inspiration might help.

GOODBYE TO THE TRUMP YEARS: A WAKE-UP CALL FOR DEMOCRACY

We have learned from history that Fascists can reach high office via elections. When they do, the first step they attempt is to undermine the authority of competing power centers, including parliament or in America, Congress.

                                                         -Madeleine Albright (Fascism: A Warning p. 234)

We haven’t written enough about preserving American democracy. The January 6 occupation of the U.S. Capitol by a mob inspired by President Donald Trump brought home to us why we must write about that subject regularly, beginning now.

Some might think Trump’s imminent exit from the White House and installation of a new administration will assuage concerns about threats to democratic values and institutions. On the contrary, we think the end

of the Trump presidency presents a perfect opportunity for examining what happened the last four years and what Americans must do that will ensure democracy remains our form of government.

 

A Tortured Four Years

We think Trump has been wrong about environmental protection, voting rights, immigration, criminal justice, taxes, and many other policies. That’s not what we mean by a “tortured four years.” No, we refer to his assaults on democracy as a governing ideology.

His attack on democracy as our basic form of government constitutes the greatest sin of his time in office. He has put supporting evidence for that claim on constant display. 

                       

The January 6 insurrection, spurred by an incendiary speech in which he urged that thousands march on the capitol in support of his bogus voter fraud claims while Congress tabulated the Electoral College votes, stands as exhibit “A.” The resulting 

carnage, thanks largely to a massive security failure, left at least five people dead, the capitol building ransacked, and a huge black mark on American democracy and its standing in the world.  Comparisons to December 7, 1941, and September 11, 2001, as dark days in the nation’s history weren’t inappropriate. There’s lots more:      

·     The Phone Call. On January 2, Trump called

the Georgia Secretary of State asking that he “find” votes that would overturn President–elect Biden’s victory there. He asked that election officials “recalculate” the returns and give him the votes that would reverse the outcome in the Peach State. Search as many did for a benign explanation or interpretation of Trump’s words, none appeared. It was extortion of the kind more commonly associated with mob bosses and Mafia dons. First readings of federal and Georgia election statutes suggested he crossed the line into criminal misconduct; 

·     Misusing Congress. To avoid the peaceful transfer of power his defeat requires, Trump enticed Republican members of the House and Senate to challenge duly certified electors, leading to the January 6 riot. He challenged votes in Milwaukee, Philadelphia, and Atlanta, overwhelmingly black cities, in a blatant attempt at marginalizing the black

vote standing  between him and his effort to turn America into an autocracy. This largely unprecedented action followed a string of over 50 defeats in lawsuits he brought aimed at throwing out votes or advancing unsupported voter fraud claims;

·     Misusing the pardon power. His granting of

pardons and commutations to cronies, family members, and business associates who have committed crimes against the United States demonstrates his contempt for democracy, democratic institutions, democratic norms, and the rule of law;

·     Attacking the judiciary. Trump’s initial assault on a federal judge of Mexican descent began an attempt to drive a wedge between Latinos and other Americans while diminishing respect for the judiciary;

·     Denigrating America’s world standing. By reducing our commitment to NATO,

Trump hoped he could free the United States from democratic norms NATO members must follow, thereby making easier alliances with autocrats;

·     Kowtowing to Vladimir Putin. Trump would not criticize Russian interference in the 2016 election and he took Putin’s side against the

findings of U.S. intelligence agencies that Russia meddled in that election. When reports surfaced of Putin putting bounties on U.S. soldiers, Trump said nothing. When cyber experts uncovered a massive computer hacking almost certainly carried out by the Russians, Trump, without evidence, blamed it on China;

· Ukraine. Trump’s refusal to release appropriated funds for Ukraine’s defense

against Russian aggression unless the Ukrainians helped him dig up dirt on his domestic political opponents evidenced his autocratic preferences and disregard for the American constitution;

·     Personalizing the Justice Department. Trump’s conversion of the Attorney General from the people’s lawyer to his personal counsel flagrantly abused his power and undermined the rule of law; and

·     Misuse of the military. By ordering that U.S. troops clear peaceful protesters from Lafayette Park in Washington for his photo op, Trump demonstrated the true nature of his autocratic tendencies.   

 

Lessons

Listing Trump’s bad acts represents only a first step. We remain far from knowing all we should about his assault on democracy. As we learn more, we’ll say more about what happened and about what we should do.

We began with former State Secretary Madeline Albright’s observation abouthow fascists acquire power, even in democratic systems. We turn to her book again as we close:

When we awaken each morning, we see around the globe what appears to be Fascism’s early stirrings: the discrediting of mainstream politicians, the emergence of leaders who seek to divide rather than to unite, the pursuit of political victory at all costs, and the invocation of national greatness by people who seem to possess only a warped concept of what greatness means. (p. 118)

We think Secretary Albright’s warning is for us, as in U.S.