We aren’t there yet. In Robert Frost’s words, we have miles
to go before we sleep. But, we are headed for the Trump presidency end
game. We’ve been thinking about what that might look like. We see rough
sledding and hard choices ahead – for Trump and for American Democracy.
The Gathering Storm
On November 6, Americans resoundingly gave Democrats
control of the United
States House of Representatives. This poses potentially dire consequences
for the Trump presidency. House Democrats can, and will, investigate Trump’s
misdeeds as the current Republican
majority wouldn’t. Most important, the new majority can initiate impeachment
proceedings. The likelihood Democrats will conclude they have no other choice
has recently increased exponentially.
After keeping quiet while the election unfolded, Special
Counsel Robert Mueller
re-emerged with a bang. Mueller’s recent actions, and others we might see soon,
put Trump squarely in danger of facing impeachment in 2019. First, Mueller
obtained a guilty plea from former Trump lawyer and fixer Michael Cohen
for lying to Congress about the Trump organization’s plans for a hotel in
Russia in 2016 while Trump claimed he had no business activities in Russia.
Second, in sentencing memos for former Trump National Security Advisor Michael Flynn, Cohen, and former Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort, Mueller
hinted he and other federal prosecutors continue investigating additional
potential Trump crimes. Meanwhile, Southern District of New York prosecutors
squarely accused Trump of directing Cohen in committing federal campaign
finance felonies.
Left Photo: Cohen/Right Photo: Manafort - PhotoCred: Business Insider |
Eventually, it seems likely Mueller
will tell Congress what he knows, if he follows the generally, though not
universally, accepted
principle he can’t indict a sitting President. Assuming
Mueller goes with this procedure, and believing as we do his report will
contain significant evidence of Trump’s “high crimes and misdemeanors,” the House
Judiciary Committee will report out articles of impeachment and the
full House will vote for impeachment. That requires only a simple majority.
What then?
In search of 20
Republican senators
Under the U.S. Constitution, once the
House impeaches a President, conviction and removal from office require a
two-thirds vote in the Senate. The new Senate includes 53 Republicans and 47
Democrats. If all 47 Democrats vote for conviction, removing Trump from office could
occur only if 20 Republican senators agree. Where would those votes come from
and why?
By the time the Senate votes—probably 2019 or early 2020 –
election year politics will have intervened. How much political strength will
Trump retain? How will that figure in the calculations of Republican senators
soon facing the electorate? Richard
Nixon’s experience provides clues.
In the summer of 1974, the House Judiciary Committee, after
riveting televised hearings, voted out three impeachment articles. The
outcome in the full House was clear, given the Democratic majority. Attention
shifted to the Senate,
even before the House vote. Nixon’s approval rating had fallen to about 25
percent. Republicans faced catastrophic losses in the upcoming mid-terms if
Nixon remained in office. A delegation of “wise men” – senior Republican
senators led by Arizona’s conservative icon Barry Goldwater
and Pennsylvania’s moderate Hugh Scott --
trekked to the White House and
told Nixon his Senate support had fallen below the Mendoza line. He couldn’t survive
because Republicans couldn’t survive. Nixon resigned.
Nixon family boarding Air Force One for last time Aug. 9, 1974 |
For three reasons, we see the odds against this happening
again. First, Trump probably wouldn’t listen. Second, no “wise men” with the
stature of Goldwater and Scott remain in the GOP senatorial ranks. Who’d do
that job now? Lindsey Graham? Mitch McConnell? Marco Rubio? With all due
respect, we doubt it in each case. If he were here and if he were a Republican,
Lloyd
Bentsen might tell each one, “I knew Barry Goldwater. Barry
Goldwater was a friend of mine. Senator, you’re no Barry Goldwater.”
Third, we question whether Trump’s approval rating ever falls
into the 20s. He probably got it right when he
said he could get away with shooting someone on Fifth Avenue in New York.
We haven’t seen signs of Trump’s hard core 35-38 percent deserting him. That makes
identifying 20 GOP senators who’d bail a stretch, especially since we see only two
(Maine’s Susan Collins and
Colorado’s Cory Gardner) facing
re-election in 2020 in states Hillary Clinton carried in 2016.
The old fashioned way
Once upon a time, the brokerage firm
Smith Barney ran a television campaign using the distinguished, if crusty,
actor John Houseman as
its spokesperson. Houseman ended the ads asserting Smith Barney made money for
its clients, “the old fashioned way – they earn it.”
Looking at the political realities, and the numbers, we conclude the United
States probably can rid itself of the debilitating, destructive Trump
presidency only in the old fashioned way – voting him out in 2020.
Mueller’s probe now suggests Trump
and his associates (1) colluded or conspired with Russia in interfering in the
2016 election, (2) obstructed justice by impeding the investigation into that
collusion, (3) lied to the American people, and perhaps to investigators, about
business dealings with foreign countries, and (4) committed numerous other
still undisclosed crimes. Once Muller makes known the details of Trump’s “high
crimes and misdemeanors,” we believe the evidence will demand conviction and
removal from office. Republican senators and their Trump supporters will have
to decide on making the ultimate bargain with the devil: leaving Trump as
President, despite his assaults on the rule of law and possible destruction of
NATO, all in exchange for more conservative Supreme Court appointees and retaining
tax cuts for the rich. As we’ve said, we
doubt enough Republican senators vote for conviction. That leaves doing it the
old fashioned way.
Dearest Esteems,
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