TRUMP’S TRUE BELIEVERS: WHAT THEY THINK AND WHY THEY WON’T CHANGE

As the impeachment story moves forward, evolving by the hour, we find the arguments offered by President Trump’s defenders increasingly outlandish, less and less effective but incredibly interesting. Polls show support for impeachment and conviction

growing in the wake of Trump's phone call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and a whistleblower complaint that produced Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s announcement that the House of Representatives had, in fact, begun an

impeachment inquiry. As the calendar turned to October, half the respondents in some polls favored Trump’s impeachment and removal from office. With the pressure ramping up, the number of Americans favoring impeachment and conviction will likely increase, not diminish.

Trump’s defenders kept spinning, despite being confronted by reporters, talk show hosts, and others who demonstrated their infidelity to the facts and the illogic of their conclusions. With the narrative about Trump’s actual conduct seemingly so clear, the interesting part of the story for us became how Trump and his people approached defending the indefensible.     

Three Lines of Attack

Though Trump’s backers offered a range of reasons why Congress shouldn’t impeach him, their main arguments fell into three broad categories: (1) Joe Biden did it too; (2) what Trump did was okay; and (3) attacks on the whistleblower who started all this with a complaint under established whistleblower procedures. The facts support none of these approaches to Trump's defense.

Several media organizations looked into the Biden-did-it-too claim and all turned up nothing. No evidence exists the former vice president improperly

used his office while promoting Obama administration policy. Along with European leaders, Biden advocated the ouster of a prosecutor because of his failures in investigating corruption in that former Soviet  republic. Additionally, no evidence surfaced that Biden exerted inappropriate influence related to the board position his son held with a Ukrainian company.

No basis exists for declaring the substance of Trump’s call to his Ukrainian counterpart

Phone transcript of Trump/Ukrainian call 

acceptable. Having already frozen U.S. military assistance to Ukraine, Trump asked for two “favors”:  (1) help with a probe into the origins of the Mueller  investigation and (2) finding dirt on Biden, the obvious conclusion being the

release of funds dependent on performing the favors. Anybody reading the White House-released notes of Trump’s call who won’t acknowledge those facts illustrates the old adage about no one being blinder than one who will not see.

Trump and his allies have railed against the whistle-blower, demanding the person’s identity, clearly a violation of U.S. law. This nation has had – for obvious reasons – laws protecting whistle-blowers since the 1700s. Now is not the time for abrogating those laws.

Why They Persist

We get Trump’s self-preservation instinct, hence his own defense of his actions and his personal strikes at Biden and the whistle-blower. That’s what we’d expect. Understanding why Republican members of Congress stay with Trump will become increasingly difficult as more information comes out and as public support for impeachment grows. Richard Nixon didn’t resign until his approval rating fell to about 25 per cent, putting Republican members of Congress in the position of choosing between Nixon and their own political survival. They chose at least trying to save their own necks, though the massive GOP losses in the 1974 mid-terms suggest only modest success in that endeavor.

What we find really intriguing is trying to figure out why ordinary Americans buy into

arguing on Trump’s behalf. In our discussions, we’ve suggested a number of reasons, most of them unflattering and we realize that’s not always fair and perhaps not enlightening either. Trump has found something in a swath of the American nation that allows him unwavering support from a significant part of the voting public.

One can debate the size of that swath, while recognizing its importance. Woodson, for

example, thinks its 40-45 per cent.  Rob thinks the rabid Trump base lies somewhere in the low 30s, with the rest of his approval rating coming from committed, baseline

Republicans and people who support some of his policies but won’t man the barricades for him. Henry thinks it falls somewhere in between. Since we usually

occupy space on the other side of the political divide, we need to understand the why of this.

Some of this, in all likelihood, resides in devotion to Trump’s positions on social issues 

like abortion and gay rights. We know Trump supporters so invested in assuring Trump’s pursuit of an anti-abortion, anti-gay judiciary, they cannot break with him for any reason.

For others, we think immigration produces the same dedication. Trump’s determination

to build a wall (or his latest scheme, construction of a moat with snakes and alligators) on the south-
ern border and his detention policies regarding immigrants generate so much popularity among some voters, they stick with him despite whatever bad act he’s committed.

Such explanations probably account for the attitudes of many Trump defenders and they aren’t changing. We think there are other  reasons we have not, and perhaps cannot, tease out, given our commitment to rules of reason and fact-based analysis. We can’t read documents like the notes of Trump’s call with Ukrainian President Zelensky and reach conclusions the facts laid out in that document don’t support.  

We keep searching. As long as Trump occupies the White House, understanding the why of the Trump phenomena will remain an important job for all who care about our politics and our democracy. Any ideas?