Unless you
were on some other planet, you know there was a presidential debate Monday,
September 26. Some predicted one hundred
million people would watch or listen. We
won’t know for a little while whether that happened or not, but we know the
debate pushed everything else off the top of the news.
We prefer to
evaluate this debate in terms of what each candidate needed to accomplish in
the larger context of the race, now hurtling toward its November 8 finish. A
clear narrative emerged in the pre-debate build-up about what both Hillary
Clinton and Donald Trump needed to do in that 90 minutes before that expected
huge audience. A consensus developed
that Trump had to show himself “presidential,” making him attractive to white
college educated suburbanites, especially women, and that Clinton had a more
complex task – first, to build enthusiasm among those inclined by party,
demography, or history to vote for her and, second to convince a small, but
influential, swath of Republican-leaning voters skeptical of Trump that supporting
her was acceptable.
Clinton. HRC’s effort to reach her base
centered on economic proposals related to jobs and infrastructure and her
rejection of Trump’s tax policies. Clinton reminded Bernie Sanders supporting
millennials that she wants to take on income inequality and get the wealthy to
pay more in taxes, a goal Trump has never embraced. His tax proposals, in fact,
point in the other direction. She
attacked Trump’s proposed tax cut as “trickle down” economics, and accused him
of trying to make things better for rich people, like Donald Trump. On social
issues, Clinton also was willing to suggest that police shootings of young
black men resulted, in some instances, from structural or institutionalized
racism, a position clearly designed
to appeal to young and minority voters who have been lukewarm about her. Trump
did little to counteract these statements except to launch a harsh, broad brush
characterization of life in black America that, for many at least, bears little
connection to reality. Clinton generally seemed to have free reign in her
efforts to appeal to elements of the Obama coalition that have been skeptical
about her.
Clinton
tried to carry out her second objective, convincing college educated white
voters that their reservations about Trump are legitimate and justify a vote
for the Democratic nominee, by highlighting Trump’s business practices and
failings and by challenging him on his refusal to release his tax returns.
Clinton pointed to an architect in the audience Trump allegedly stiffed on a
golf clubhouse project to highlight the dark side of Trump’s business
success. She also made much of his
business bankruptcies. The tax return point, especially that the IRS itself
says an audit does not prevent Trump from releasing his returns, has been made
over and over, but Clinton’s willingness to confront him with it before 100
million people may have had a more devastating effect than her television ads
ever could.
Trump.
The question of Trump’s ability to appear “presidential” has been
foremost on the minds of voters and pundits since his emergence last spring as
the likely Republican nominee. His long line of controversial and sometimes
insulting statements and behaviors needs no restatement here. Early on, observers spot lighted the general
election debates as a key place to look for whether Trump could reign in his
natural proclivities and project a presidential image.
The question
has always had verbal and nonverbal dimensions.
The verbal part related to whether Trump could handle policy nuance and
detail, showing a grasp of issues a president must face and address with the
nation. The nonverbal part concerned Trump’s demeanor. Could he demonstrate the requisite calm that
gives the country and the world confidence he would not do something
irrational? Relatedly, how would he
behave on stage juxtaposed against the first female nominee of a major
political party, especially given some of his more uncharitable statements
about women in other contexts?
Trump’s
debate performance does not seem to have achieved the objective of making him
look “presidential.” On the verbal
front, his failure to present cogent answers on foreign policy and national
security questions undermined any suggestion that he grasps the details of
policy in those areas. Only the most partisan Trump supporter could argue that
the last forty minutes or so of the debate represented anything except a
meltdown for the business magnate. One veteran Republican strategist labeled
his performance in that part of the debate “incoherent.”
Evaluating
Trump nonverbally, of course, represents a highly subjective exercise. Beauty rests in the eye of the beholder. Some of Trump’s supporters, no doubt, found attractive
the constant interruptions of his opponent and his extensive facial and hand
gestures. Other observers viewed those aspects of his presentation as offensive
and inappropriate. The fact that the
distinction can even get drawn, however, suggests Trump’s failure. Trump needed to make sure no doubt existed as
to whether he had behaved “presidentially.”
The fact that no consensus emerged means that the issue remains alive. That
is not good news for Trump.
A fair,
honest appraisal of Trump’s performance requires an acknowledgement that he
connected on one issue. Early in the
debate, he put Clinton on the defensive on trade issues. Leaving aside the
policy question of whether trade deals cost American jobs or otherwise damage
the economy, trade deals like NAFTA are politically unpopular with large
segments of the electorate and Trump took advantage of that. The fact that he apparently found no other
verbal or nonverbal nuggets suggests he did not achieve his overall objective.
One debate,
like one football game, does not a season make.
Trump has two more chances and his running mate has one to change this
picture. Clinton didn’t win the White House Monday, but she appears to have
done little that would lose it.
Are we
right? Wrong? Somewhere in between? Weigh in below.
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